(average 500 words for 10%)
Fromthe previous Discussion Two, find another classmate’s submission to relate your fictional peoples’ music with, imagining these two peoples interacting in some syncretic way
. In so doing, you should adapt a research model of your choice from any of those in the article provided (“Research Models in Ethnomusicology…”, see PDF pg. 8 – figure 1)
Discussion Three (average 500 words for 10%) Fromthe previous Discussion Two, find another classmate’s submission to relate your fictional peoples’ music with, imagining these two peoples interacting
Classmate’s example: In an ancient village far from the crowded city and people, there is a group of musicians that moved there to escape from the wars and reality. Hundreds of years have gone by, the village has grown into thousands of people. Villagers have never stepped out of the village in life. They have their own agriculture, language, and lifestyle. Everyone lives happily. The language they communicate with is Music. They are fluent in polyrhythms, sayr, taqsim. Every sentence they speak is wonderful melodies. When they are having a nice conversation, it sounds like an R&B song. When they are arguing, it sounds like Rock n Roll. In school, all the subjects are related to music. In the morning, students will attend singing classes. They will learn different types of singing techniques (breath into your ribs, bass, high pitch). Then, students will choose which instrument they would like to learn for the day. For example, they will learn daff consists of a frame covered in stretched goatskin, with rows of metal rings or chains that add a jingling effect. In the afternoon, they will have handcraft classes. It allows them to make their own instrument. For example, making a guitar requires wood, metal/plastic strings, sandpaper, glue and etc. Students will prepare all the materials needed then follow the teacher’s demonstration step by step. These courses will open up their music cells and grow into a musician. This village is also very religious. They believe in the God of Music. Music is within their blood and soul. Every morning, they would wake up and pray to the God of Music. Each household has its handmade musical instrument that has been blessed by the pastors. Some of the popular instruments are tar, ney, zurna, piano, saxophone, guitar, and riqq. When a child turns eighteen, their parents will hand them with an instrument they made from scratch and blessed by the pastors. This is very important in their culture. It represents their faith and loyalty to the God of Music. There will also be a huge ceremony for the celebration of receiving the most important thing in their life. The entire village will gather up and each person plays their own instrument; together they make the most wonderful song. They believe that if they fail to do so, it is the biggest sin and punishment will be made by the God of Music. My previous work: Maui is one of the Islands in the United States that has a limited number of inhabitants. Despite the limit in the population, they have a rich culture that is associated with Music. The main focus of this study is to have an analysis of their musical life by looking at their performance techniques and their beliefs. They made use of instruments that were divided into percussion and vocalization. The tone that they could use in their Music was mainly influenced by whirling sound from winds and the smooth songs from the wind. The diet they consumed also played a big role as some musical instruments could be made from the raw materials. For instance, due to their proximity to the sea, they would hunt on whales as a meal and then use the skin to make drums that made Music more interesting. The inhabitants of the island take the issue of rituals very seriously. They had a belief that their gods were pleased with smooth Music from the women. Anytime they would need rain, women would compose songs, and if it rained, they would attribute that to the fact that the gods were pleased by the musical sacrifice. One of the instruments that they loved was the aerophone. When blown, it would produce a breezy sound that was very smooth, just like the one produced by tall grass or trees. The instrument was spiral and conical, whose length was three meters with holes in various places to enable fingers to hold it properly. The fingers could be moved through the aerophone, which would provide various pitches. It would promote a harmonious tone. Not every woman would just sing for the gods. Those tasked with that responsibility would be highly trained mainly on the use of chorus and Orchestra (Carter, 2017). The Orchestra was simple and made it easy for many women to participate. Every woman would be given the opportunity to select the kind of instruments he would like to play. They were also supposed to choose whether they would participate in the Orchestra or chorus. This meant that the men would always support the women by acting as the audience and making sure that all the required instruments are available (Trevarthen, 2018). They would respond to the fantastic tune of the Music by clapping hands and kneeling when need be. The men could also lite a fire and make sure that as the Music continues, the fire continues to blaze.
Discussion Three (average 500 words for 10%) Fromthe previous Discussion Two, find another classmate’s submission to relate your fictional peoples’ music with, imagining these two peoples interacting
PDFaid.Com #1 Pdf SolutionsRESEARCH MODELS IN ETHNOMUSICOLOGY APPLIED TO THE RADIF PHENOMENON IN IRANIAN CLASSICAL MUSIC Hafez Modir The understanding of the interrelationships among the musi cal tradition, the performer and the performance context within a culture has concerned ethnomusicologists throughout the develop ment of the field. The interdependency of these three factors can raise particular interest as to how and why change occurs in cul tures’ musical traditions. This paper addresses the problem of determining how the radiffunctions in Iranian classical music, and why it is able to serve as a flexible base from which both the theory and practice of Iran’s musical tradition is derived. A brief explanation of the pheno menon and function of the radif is followed by an examination of various structural models, which attempt to interpret the inte gration of tradition, performer, and musical context in culture. Finally, a new culture-specific model is presented that defines the role of the radif in Iranian culture. The Radif in Iranian Classical Music In the classical musical tradition of Iran, there are prescribed bodies of melodic material used for the improvised structuring of performances, known as radifs (translated literally as “row”). Each radif is organized into a set of melodic segnments termed gushes, which are classified according to twelve common modal structures called dastgahs.1 The radifs and their ordering of gushes serve two related purposes for the musician. They may be devised as pedagogical models for teaching students, or they may be used as a basis upon which material is extemporized during a performance. The model radif and the performance radif influence one another. A per former may elaborate upon an existing model, thus creating a new version of it. Eventually, he may become accustomed to this new version, and adopt it as his own model. In this way, the radif model never remains a static theoretical construct, but is constantly being transformed. As each model is interpreted differently in practice, 63 Research Models Modir the tradition of Iranian classical music undergoes subtle but con tinuous change. Since the radif has a dual function, both as a theoretical con cept and as a framework for performance improvisations, its defi nition is extended in two analytical directions. This causes con ceptual discrepancy among theorists and musicians alike, making description of this culture’s musical system problematic. A brief review of the radifs development in Iranian classical music may help in understanding both its conceptual and practical roles in Iranian culture. The Development of Radii The standardization of the dastgah system in the form of the radif is believed to be of relatively recent origin, dating from less than 100 years ago. Some musicologists believe its development has been partially influenced by Western musical thought (NettlI978: 159). By the late 19th century, during the last stages of Iran’s Qajar period (1790-1925), the formal task of collecting regional melodies and classifying them by modal structure had begun to take place with certain masters, in hope of preserving what could be saved from an extremly old musical heritage. Their fixed modal reper toire, the radif, became a reference point for a method of oral study which could lead the trained musician to the .. source of musical art and inspiration in Persian music” (During 1981). Before the growth of urban areas and cities in Iran during the 19th century, it is questionable whether or not the hierarchical model organization of gushes and dastgahs was practiced or empha sized by musicians. Most likely, the awareness of the radif as a structural principle for performance did not exist until the early part of this century. Ali-Akbar Farahani is considered the grand father of the first radifs, and his sons Mirza Hosseyn Qoli (d. 1915) and Mirza Abdollah (d. 1918) developed individual contributions that have subsequently schooled the great masters Darvish Khan, Ali-Naqi Vaziri, Abol-Hassan Saba, Ruhollah Kbaleqi and Moussa Ma’aoufi. Learning the musical tradition enveloped in the radif pheno menon involves careful and extended study. Traditionally, there are three important stages in becoming a master musician of Iranian classical music. The art-form began as and continues to be a pre dominantly oral tradition requiring a long-term apprenticeship with a reputed master. Learning the radii is the first stage, re 64 Research Models Modir quiring disciplined memorization techniques. The second stage is spent assimilating the master’s style and imitating the subtle charac teristics necessary for correct interpretation. Finally, the student of mature stature is allowed to slowly break off into his own improvi sations, based on the model of the prescribed radifs. He may syn thesize elements and techniques he has heard from other masters into his newly developed style. This pedagogical approach for learning radifs requires students to develop two seemingly contra dictory skills: a strong power of imitation, and the ability to create spontaneously (Safvate 1985:21). The adaptation of Western staff notation by Vaziri in the 1920’s, who wished to conserve as well as “modernize” his native music led to the process of visual memorization in Iranian music. Musical orientation dependent on the memorization of written notes differs from musical sensibility acquired by ear. Such visual and aural musical orientations will necessarily result in differing per formance aesthetics. It has been argued that the greatest advantage of transmitting the radif through oral tradition has been the “redis covering” rather than the “instructing” of theoretical structures and principles of creative freedom, hence giving more variation to the personal artistic nature of musicians (Caron and Safvate 1966: 191). Indeed, since the method of Western notation for teaching the radif has developed, the free unrestricted sense of improvisation characteristic of early masters’ performance styles has been regres sing (Caron and Safvate 1966:193). Nevertheless, Iranian classical music demands improvisation on some level, and cannot be per formed without a considerable amount of variation, elaboration or extension on its prescribed radifs. Caron and Safvate give two categories of improvisation: grand improvisations, in which entirely new material is created spontaneously; and little improvisations, which are more simple variations, elaborations, and modifications of pre-existing material (1966:129). The manner of improvisation practiced may often de pend on the type of gushe played. Zonis breaks the gushe’s struc ture down into two sets of elements which affect the manner and extent of the radifs improvisation: a fixed set of elements essential to the character of the melody, and a variable set of elaboration techniques that are subject to each performer’s individual choice for each performance. Of the improvisatory techniques described for the performance practice of Iranian classical music, ornamentation seems to be the most widely discussed phenomenon in the literature. It appears difficult to analyze the ambiguous role of ornamentation in an objective light. Sadeghi has stated that “the melody without 65 Research Models Modir the ornaments is incomplete, and the student learns all of the aspects of the art simultaneously” (1971:107). AI-Paruqi has argued simi larly for Arabic music that ornamentation “is the material from which … infinite patterns are made. . .. It is itself the melodic sub stance of the improvisation … [and] to comprehend [its] vari eties … is therefore to comprehend that music itself’ (1978:20,27). Gerson-Kiwi has come to the conclusion that the history of the dastgah “is nearly identical with the art of ornamentation” (1963: 19); in short, it has become a doctrine of ornamentation. Two types of ornamentation have been defined that are prac ticed as a general rule in the performance of radifs: (1) traditional ornaments found in the prescribed radif-model that are required to be played unaltered by the performer, and (2) elaborative orna ments, which are purely improvised and are derived from the per sonal style and performance practice of the artist (Carson 1966:120; Sadeghi 1971: 1 06). In addition to the characteristic improvisatory devices described above, another type of variation occurs during performance which is directly conditioned by the surrounding con text and which occurs on an even larger scale. Netd, in a study of improvisation practices in the experience of one Arabic musician, concluded: The performances are relatively unified in terms of the use of melodic devices, ornamentation and rhythm. It is in matters of length, arrangement of sections, and modulation practice that he provides variety. Thus it is these aspects of the music which might be labeled as more truly ‘improvised’ while those revol ving about melodic devices and rhythm, which are constant throughout our sample, might best be labeled as “performance practice” (Nettl and Riddle 1974:28,29). In short, we can conclude that performance of the radif oc curs on two improvisatory levels: (1) an interpretive level–which involves stylistic techniques such as ornamentation–for the render ing of gushes’ melodies, and (2) a structurallevel–which involves modulation between gushes, and the length and arrangement of sections within the overall radif itself–for the construction of per formances. Musical Context and Performance in Iranian Music What determines the choices a musician has to make before he begins interpreting and structuring his learned radif into a per 66 Research Models Modir formance? The most obvious influence will come from the context in which he performs. Three contextual factors in Iranian culture will generally affect the decisions of the musician as well as the substance and quality of the performance itself.2 First, the immediate physical surroundings such as size, temperature and acoustics of the room, and the size and seating of the audience, will change the course of a performance considerably. Second, the audience to which a performance is directed influences significantly the interpretation and content of the music. This social factor can be of utmost importance. If the audience is composed of students or observers not well acquainted with the art form, the musician will generally take the avenue of demonstrating the basic character of a dastgah, with little variation on its radif. Direct rapport between the musician and listener may also influence a performance. If the audience is more socially oriented, the musi cian can readjust his performance in order to entertain and uplift, modifying the content and length of his pieces accordingly. If the audience is more knowledgable and demonstrates a sophisticated appreciation of the musical arts, the musician may be willing to demonstrate the deeper and more introspective aspects of his art. His improvisations will then become more elaborate and extensive. A third contextual factor that can alter the interpretation of a performance is the musical condition surrounding the performer. In this area, the musician deals either consciously or subconsciously with four decisive aspects of performance: (1) the choice of which modal scale or dastgah to play, (2) the choice and order of gushe material to play, (3) how to develop this material, and (4) how to react musically to the response of the audience.3 These aspects are dealt with differently by each musician, de pending on his musical backround. Whether or not he can extend or edit his elaborations tastefully, develop and connect gushes smoothly, and balance technique with interpretation and feeling art fully, is the result of his experience, training and personal crea tivity. The musical context is also influenced by the quality and quantity of accompanying musicians in the performer’s group, his role in that group, as well as the program of music chosen for performance. In short, the physical, functional, and musical sur roundings will affect the artistic judgement of the individual musi cian, thereby determining the substance and quality of his radii performance. From observing the effects of context on the musician and subsequently on the overall performance practice, the radif can be 67 Research Models Modir understood as an abstract set of concepts that are shared by Iranian culture as a whole. Certain melodies contained in the radifs run deep in the musical psyche of many Iranians, especially for those generations preceding the Islamic revolution in 1979. To many, this musical tradition symbolizes the ideal Iranian culture and posesses the ability to awaken moods, feelings and responses com mon to the majority of Iranian people. As During has stated, the study of the radif, “taken to its final conclusion, is a sort of musical asceticism which can, by way of aesthetic comtemplation, open the door to the spiritual” (1981). Whether studied in theoretical, psy chological or spiritual veins, the radif, in Iran’s musical tradition, is undeniably a conceptual tool for bonding and conserving the iden tity of Iranian culture. Models in Ethnomusicology A research model is proposed in this study that serves as a framework for understanding how the culture’s self image, its musical contexts and the radif phenomenon affect the musician and his subsequent performances in Iranian culture. The culture specific model presented in this paper has been shaped according to more than a dozen similar models devised by leading musicologists and ethnomusicologists over the past twenty-five years. These scholars, in an attempt to discover the universal functions of man and music in culture, and inspired by different scholarly orien tations, have independently concluded that music moves through a continuum of three general avenues in culture. These three levels are compatible with the tri-partite Iranian cultural model presented in this paper. Naturally, theoretical models are never intended to realis tically portray musical cultures. They only serve as conceptual tools to analyze a certain aspect of culture, and result in general conclusions. Each particular model is the product of its creator’s intellectual orientation. In comparing and distilling research mo dels we find overlapping terminology: headings and similar ideas have differing titles, similar titles and ideas are defined differently. Therefore, the collective examination of the following models, in cluding the new model presented, reveals both contradiction and continuity (see figure 1). Alan Merriam has stressed the importance of balancing our perception when interpreting the parts of a theoretical research model: 68 Research Models Modir … [they] are not conceived as distinct entities separable from one another on any but the theoretical leveL The music product is inseparable from the behavior that produces it; the behavior in turn can only in theory be distinguished from the concepts that underlie it; and all are tied together through the learning feedback from product to concept. They are presented individually here in order to emphasize the parts of the whole; if we do not under stand one we cannot properly understand the others; if we fail to take cognizance of the parts, then the whole is irretrievably lost (Merriam 1964:35). Leonard B. Meyer, in studying the process of musical communication, distinguishes between “connotative complexes” (association and mood response in culture), and “kinetic-syntactical modes of signification” (which are divided into two processes: “grammatical-kinetic” and “psychological-kinetic”) (1960:49-53). “Connotations,” applied to Iranian culture, refer to symbolic behavior toward the radifs, while “kinetic-syntactical” modes of signification refer to the performance, or musical experience. The “grammatical process” is the prescribed tonal material and govern ing rules contained in the radif, and the “psychological process” is the musician’s creative interpretation of these radiI rules, affected by the performance context. Charles Seeger has viewed music in three general contextual classes: as a “concept” (in speech communication), as a “pheno menon” (in nature), and as a “communicatory medium” (in itself like speech) (1961:77-78). Similarly, the radif can be distinguished as a” concept” in Iranian culture, as a “phenomenon” (a theoretical and practical tool for conserving the musical tradition), and as a “communicatory medium” (in performance contexts). Merriam’s well-known theoretical research model regards the function of music in culture as consisting of the study of “concept,” “behavior,” and “sound” (1964:32-35). Again the radif is a musical system that is first conceptualized by Iranian culture as well as the musician alone. This culture concept influences the radifs behavioral characteristics which the musician expresses verbally, socially and physically with his audience. This process creates the musical product itself, which then receives feedback from the society, and in turn constantly redefines the culture’s con cept of its own musical tradition. John Blacking has refined his analysis of music-making among the Venda in terms of a “unified theory of cognition, society, culture, and creativity” (1973: 99-100). Blacking relates cognition to the “transformation processes” that occur between the musical event and the evocation of psychological and connotative images 69 Research Models Modir Meyer 1960:49-51 connotative complex ——————————- kinetic syntactical modes (association/mood response) (grammatical/psychological) Seeger 1961:77-78 concept ———————- phenomenon ————communicatory medium Merriam 1964:32-35 concept ———————— behavior —————— sound Blacking 1973:99-100 cognition —————- society and culture ————creativity Harrison 1977:30 meaning ——————— observation —————– use and of structure function Harwood 1979:50 symbolic process ———– musical content ———— musical process (psychological behavior) (structure and function) (learning and perfor ming contexts) Rahn 1983:207-208 values ———————- concepts ——————- norms (symbolic) (described) (musical behavior temporal -associated) Boiles 1984:52-53 determinate ——-immediate ——-probabilistic ——-programmatic (culture ideal) (theory (improvisation) (performance) conforms) l’o1cetia 1984: 15-16 aesthetic ———structural——— structural ———–performance concepts- systems-processes- organization cultural principles (theory) (practice) I ” contexts creative processes “‘. / Figure 1. Research Models in Ethnomusicology 70 Research Models Modir shared by the musician, society, and culture. This is combined with social and cultural factors that determine the context of perfor mance and shape the mood of the performer. Finally, creativity is described in terms of social, musical, and cognitive processes to gether, and is the musical event itself. When applied to Iranian music culture, Blacking’s view supports the interdependency of these essential cultural factors which are comprised in the radif phenomenon. Frank Harrison explains that meaning in music is made mani fest exclusively in its use and function by culture, yet objective observation of its structure is held as “theoretically possible” (1977: 30-31). In Iranian music, the radif gains meaning by its use in per formance situations as well as by its referential function within Iranian cultural concepts. Its “theoretical” musical structure is ob served by the musician of the tradition, but is interpreted into “practical” musical structure during an improvised performance. Dane Harwood has noted that “the process not the content of music making is what communities have in common” (1979:59). The musical content of the radif is particular to Iranian culture, and its structural and functional analyses would obviously not identify universals. However, the psychological processes of learning and performing the radifhave cross-cultural implications for the musi cal communication of symbolic meaning. Jay Rahn also treats three aspects of musical culture: “values,” “concepts,” and “norms” (1983:207-208). “Values” are the symbolic verbal statements of a culture that are difficult to verify objectively. “Concepts,” on the other hand, represent indi genous attempts at describing and theorizing about music. “Norms” consist of musical behavior, itself divided into temporal observables (musical structures) and associated observables, (symbolism by which musical observables are linked). Again in relation to the radif phenomenon in Iranian culture, Rahn’s term “concepts” is used for the verbal description of the radif and its temporal norms. When performed, the radii evokes associated norms shared by the performer and audience. This reinforces the “value” system sym bolized by the radif concept and supported by Iranian society. Charles Boiles has introduced four general terms he regards as universal types of musical behavior. The radif is adequately defined according to Boiles’ four categories. First, the radif is re garded as a “determinate” by Iranian culture: it is fixed and un changing, representing the musical culture in its ideal sense. Sec ond, “immediate” behavior initiates the oral communication of spe cified norms and rules for generating musical organization, theory 71 Research Models Modir thereby conforming to an already established musical grammar. Third, “probabilistic” behavior is the inspired musical process by which a performance is improvised. This musical process is not dictated by a formal grammatical code, but is the practical reali zation of theoretical concepts. Finally, “programmatic” behavior stands for the musical interpretation of the radifs “determinate” principles during a performance (Boiles 1984: 52-53). To complete our review of the cross-cultural modeling of music as it occurs in culture, mention should be given to lH. Kwa bena Nketia’s six universal typologies which are congruent with generally accepted notions of culture, aesthetic concepts, the musi cian, tradition, and performance context in musical cultures (1984: 15-16). Based on aesthetic concepts and cultural principles (type 4), the radif will acquire its own structural constituents (type 1). Musical practice will turn these constituents into structural pro cesses (type 2) and will function as creative and aesthetic processes (type 6) in the mind of the performer and audience. Overall contextual factors (type 5) will determine the conceptualization and organization of the radifs performance (type 3). A summation of these models indicates that a musical tradi tion consists of a culture’s symbolic and conceptual behavior, its structural observation and interpretation by the musician, and its function in performance contexts. Figure 1 portrays the models discussed above and their application to Iranian music culture in particular. A New Model for Music in Iranian Culture Iranians have a set concept of their own culture and of its classical musical tradition. This concept of Iranian classical music is rooted in the radifs melodic materials. Furthermore, there is a conceptual theory which prescribes how the radifs are to be inter preted. The interpreter of this musical tradition, embodied in the radifs, is the musician or performer. In his environment, he has theoretica1, psychological, and spiritual concepts of the radif and of the musical tradition as a whole. He is conditioned by the pervading culture concept in Iranian society. Before he transforms the radif from a theoretical concept into inspired performance practice, he will be affected by his immediate physical, functional, and musical surroundings. These cultural contexts are themselves shaped by the overriding culture concept. They influence both the musician’s artistic judgement as well as the performance as a whole. 72 Research Models Modir The performance is the musical realization of the culture concept. The radif mediates between theory and practice; it is simultaneously a symbol of the culture’s concept of its musical tra dition and an actualization of the concept by the performing artist (see figure 2). Two scholars in particular, Ella Zonis and Bruno Nettl, have related the radif concept to Iranian culture in ways that similarly parallel the research model designed here. Zonis considers the radif to be “information” acquired by the musician through his training, The performance then becomes the performer’s use of this information for his improvisation, There are certain proce dures for using this information that the performer learns as a “theory of practice”, However, at the actual time of performance, he has not predetermined the procedures that will guide his playing. Since he plays intuitively, based on his immediate emotional needs and on those of the audience, the dictates of the radifs traditional procedures are integrated with the moment of performance to ac cord a “practice of practice” (Zonis 1973:125). In short, the musi cian, after having learned a “theory of practice” of the radif, learns to perform a “practice of practice” of the radif that is shaped by the context as well as by his overall cultural concept. Nettl has constructed a theoretical model he calls the “pyramid” design, which can be adapted here to support our pro posed understanding of the radifs function in Iran’s art-music tradition. The “pyramid” model has three layers: a base, music which can be prescribed as well as described; a tip, a total symbolic abstraction shared collectively by the whole culture; and a middle, where there is increased abstraction of the base uses (Nettl 1983: 153). Since the radif functions as prescribed information, it can be inserted at the base of this pyramid. The musician will interpret a further musical abstraction of these prescriptions, the performance thereby residing in the middle section. Toward the tip of the struc ture rests the total cultural concept, the symbolic meaning of this musical tradition and is shared by everyone involved in the context of performance. Iran’s contemporary art music tradition is founded on the multifunctional radif phenomenon which is: (1) an abstract set of concepts that are shared by the culture as a whole; (2) a prescribed set of musical information that is passed on from master to student, serving as the tradition’s theoretical base for constructing perfor mances; (3) a performance practice interpreted by the musician; and (4) sounds that are heard, shaped, and revised within the boun daries of the cultural context. 73 Research Models Modir Modir 1986 culture expectations Culture Context i: f:X~~~~al ~ 3. musical ~ Culture Concept…. JMusilan lPerformance …. ~ theory f – practi~ ~~ ~RADIFU t -teacher i Musical Tradition culture feedback Zonis 1973:125 Persian mood, feeling— radif performance theory of practice– information use of information — theory of practice— practice ofpractice Nettl1983:153-157 “tip” “base” “middle” symbolic abstraction– factual prescribed– abstraction of performance Figure 2. Research Models for the Radif in Iranian Classical Music 74 Research Models Modir The total function of Iranian art music is to fulfill a need for symbolic expression by its people, and should be given ample theo retical consideration in that light. This Iranian aesthetic is shaped by the sociocultural setting in which the music is performed. Therefore, the theory of the radif model is an aesthetic and sym bolic one, and cannot be analysed successfully in a scientific light. In its performance context, the boundaries between the theoretical model and performance practice are more clearly defined. How ever, since there are no absolute borderlines distinguishing radif models from performance practice in Iranian classical music, the so-called “theoretical” borderlines defined by the artist’s inter pretation of his model suggests an overall cultural cognizance of Iranian music theory that differs from the Western interpretive relationship between theory and practice. It therefore becomes apparent that a need exists for theoretical clarifications in the field of Iranian musicology, and perhaps in the field of ethnomusicology as well, particularly in the study of music as a creative process in cultural contexts. Perhaps theory and practice in Iranian classical music are more closely related that we realize. The ethnomusicologist will need the descriptive aid of the radif model in order to enter into the Iranian musical aesthetic, but must also consider devising research methodologies to better understand and interpret the symbolic nature of Iranian music as expressed in its cultural context. In this study, constructing a theoretical research model has helped us com prehend the resilient quality of the radif in Iranian culture. NettI has hypothesized that the radif is the core of the Iranian musical system, and it is surrounded by a “superstructure” formed by social and cultural norms (1978: 179). Their interaction suggests that the exterior context acts as a soft shell that can be molded and changed in order to keep the tradition of the radif itself intact. Even with the advent of Westernization in modern societies, a culture can attempt to conserve its musical traditions by keeping a surrounding context that is capable of absorbing and adapting to change. The tradition of the radifhas a dual nature that is seemingly contradictory; although remaining conceptually intact within the culture, it undergoes continuous change within itself. The reason for this change is understandable when one considers each master’s individual interpretive techniques, and how he plays on the flexible nature of the radif in order to keep the Iranian musical tradition alive and evolving. Further research into this aspect of the radifs behavior should focus on the individual performer, his inter 75 Research Models Modir relationship with the tradition, and his performance practice in social contexts. NOTES Research Models Modir Gerson-Kiwi, Edith 1963 The Persian Doctrine of Dastgah Composition: A Phenomenological Study in the Musical Modes. Tel Aviv: Israel Music Institute. Harrison, Frank 1977 “Universals in Music: Toward a Method of Compara tive Research.” World of Music 19(1/2):30-36. Harwood, Dane L. 1979 “Contributions from Psychology to Musical Universals.” World of Music 21(1):48-59. Merriam, Alan P. 1964 The Anthropology of Music. Evanston: Northwestern University Press. Meyer, Leonard B. 1960 “Universalism and Relativism in the Study of Ethnic Music.” Ethnomusicology 4(2):49-54. Netd, Bruno and Ron Riddle 1974 “Taqsim Nahawand: A Study of Sixteen Perfonnances by Jihad Racy.” Yearbook of the International Folk Music Council 5:11-50. 1978 Eight Urban Musical Cultures: Tradition and Change. Urbana: University of Illinois Press. 1983 The Study of Ethnomusicology: Twenty-nine Issues and Concepts. Urbana: University of Illinois Press. Nketia, J.H. K wabena 1984 “Universal Perspectives in Ethnomusicology.” World of Music 26(2):3-20. 77 Research Models Modir Rahn,Jay 1983 A Theory for All Music: Problems and Solutions in the Analysis of Non-Western Forms. Toronto: Univer sity of Toronto Press. Sadeghi,Manoocher 1971 “Improvisation in Non-Rhythmic Solo Instrumental Contemporary Persian Art Music.” M.A. thesis, University of California at Los Angeles. Safvate, Dariouche 1985 Mystical Aspects of Authentic Iranian Music. New York: Center for Spiritual Development. Seeger, Charles 1961 “Semantic, Logical and Political Considerations Bearing upon Research in Ethnomusicology.” Ethnomusicology 5(2):77-80. Zonis, Ella 1973 Classical Persian Music: An Introduction. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press. 78